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Lost Triumph: Lee's Real Plan at Gettysburg--and Why It Failed, by Tom Carhart

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A fascinating narrative-and a bold new thesis in the study of the Civil War-that suggests Robert E. Lee had a heretofore undiscovered strategy at Gettysburg that, if successful, could have crushed the Union forces and changed the outcome of the war.
The Battle of Gettysburg is the pivotal moment when the Union forces repelled perhaps America's greatest commander-the brilliant Robert E. Lee, who had already thrashed a long line of Federal opponents-just as he was poised at the back door of Washington, D.C. It is the moment in which the fortunes of Lee, Lincoln, the Confederacy, and the Union hung precariously in the balance.
Conventional wisdom has held to date, almost without exception, that on the third day of the battle, Lee made one profoundly wrong decision. But how do we reconcile Lee the high-risk warrior with Lee the general who launched "Pickett's Charge," employing only a fifth of his total forces, across an open field, up a hill, against the heart of the Union defenses? Most history books have reported that Lee just had one very bad day. But there is much more to the story, which Tom Carhart addresses for the first time.
With meticulous detail and startling clarity, Carhart revisits the historic battles Lee taught at West Point and believed were the essential lessons in the art of war-the victories of Napoleon at Austerlitz, Frederick the Great at Leuthen, and Hannibal at Cannae-and reveals what they can tell us about Lee's real strategy. What Carhart finds will thrill all students of history: Lee's plan for an electrifying rear assault by Jeb Stuart that, combined with the frontal assault, could have broken the Union forces in half. Only in the final hours of the battle was the attack reversed through the daring of an unproven young general-George Armstrong Custer.
Lost Triumph will be one of the most captivating and controversial history books of the season.
- Sales Rank: #1558646 in Books
- Published on: 2005-04-21
- Released on: 2005-04-21
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 9.26" h x 1.10" w x 6.14" l,
- Binding: Hardcover
- 304 pages
From Booklist
Lee's actions on July 3, 1863, are among the most widely examined military issues of the Civil War. Military historian Carhart presents a novel, provocative, but definitely debatable interpretation of Lee's motivations and actions that led to the slaughter on the approaches to Cemetery Ridge. Carhart asserts that the attack upon the Union center must be seen within a larger context as part of a coordinated, three-pronged attack. The plan included a frontal assault against the Union right on Culp's Hill and, most critically, a rear assault on Union lines led by Jeb Stuart's cavalry. Of course, both of these attacks failed, dooming the third prong. In this reinterpretation, the real "hero" of Gettysburg was the oft-maligned "boy general" George Armstrong Custer, who thwarted Stuart with repeated gallant charges. This is a well-argued piece of revisionist history that is sure to inspire further and heated discussion. Jay Freeman
Copyright © American Library Association. All rights reserved
Review
...Carhart sheds new light on the grandest battle of the Civil War, a remarkable achievement by any military historian. -- John Keegan, author of The Iraq War
A lively and innovative interpretation of the greatest battle ever waged on American soil-a fine work of scholarship. -- Rick Atkinson, author of An Army at Dawn
Why did Lee fail at Gettysburg? In Lost Triumph, Tom Carhart offers a bold and provocative new assessment. -- Jay Wink, author of April 1865: The Month That Saved America
About the Author
Tom Carhart has been a lawyer and a historian for the Department of the Army in Washington, D.C. He is a graduate of West Point, a decorated Vietnam veteran, and has earned a Ph.D. in American and military history from Princeton University. He is the author of four books of military history and teaches at Mary Washington College near his home in the Washington, D.C. area.
Most helpful customer reviews
52 of 56 people found the following review helpful.
An interesting analysis--but some issues emerge
By Steven Peterson
Tom Carhart makes the argument in this book that Robert E. Lee's decision to have General George Pickett's division, and 13,000 troops in all, attack the center of the Union line at Gettysburg was not an error, but a part of a three-pronged plan that--if successful--could have led to the destruction of the Army of the Potomac and a Confederate victory in the Civil War. In short, an example of Lee's military brilliance. While he makes a a good case for this, there are a series of problems that lead this to be less satisfying than otherwise.
The three prongs? The Pickett-Trimble-Pettigrew assault on Cemetery Ridge; a simultaneous attack on the fish hook at Culp's Hill by Richard Ewell's forces of the Second Corps; and a mass cavalry charge, to be led by JEB Stuart, against the Union rear on Cemetery Ridge. Indeed, it is pretty clear that Lee did want a coordinated attack, but that plan fell to pieces early on Day Three. Still, the book is modestly compromised by a number of factors.
For one thing, he argues that this idea that Stuart was intimately involved in the planned assault has been seldom recognized. However, two of the classic books on Gettysburg make the same point. Coddington notes on Page 521 of his remarkable work on the battle that Stuart and Lee had spoken about swooping down on the rear of the Union forces. Likewise, Sears in his recent account of the battle notes that Stuart was to attack the Union rear (although his description is somewhat vague). Sears also notes that the firing of four cannons by Stuart was a signal to Lee that he was in position, as does Carhart. So, it is clear that other writers have viewed Stuart's presence on the 3rd day as a direct threat to the rear of the Union army and that this is not itself especially new information. The one real and genuine contribution that Carhart makes here is the much fuller documentation of the plan to have Stuart hit the Army of the Potomac from behind.
There are also some annoying errors here and there in the volume. On page 24, he says that Abraham Lincoln lost his seat due to his opposition to the Mexican War. In fact, as I understand it, his retirement from the House of Representatives was a part of Byzantine Whig politics in Illinois. I also think that he overestimates the amount of military strategy and tactics taught at West Point (Page 30 and Page 55). He describes Hancock and his troops as paralyzed on the Peninsula (Page 73). As I recall, this was the fight when Hancock earned his nickname "Hancock the Superb," when he was let down by his superiors who refused to let him take the aggressive action that he had requested. I think that it is quite a stretch to argue that Morgan was consciously using Hannibal's tactics from Cannae when he met Tarleton's forces at Cowpens in the Revolutionary War (Page 129). My reading of this battle was that Morgan was trying to figure out how to get some mileage from militia who did not stand up to British forces, and conjured up a plan to make a strength of a weakness. I had not understood that Buford's forces "sustained heavy casualties" on July 1 (Page 138; compare with Sears' discussion on page 249 of his "Gettysburg"). Indeed, some commentators think that it was a foolish decision to send Buford's division off the field after the first day. I sincerely doubt that (Page 155) "Lee probably asked Stuart [before Day Three] if he remembered Napoleon's smashing victory over Wurmser at Castiglione in 1796."
Some of the language seems inappropriate. He notes on page 3 that Meade "cowered," "awed by the myth of Lee's invincibility." Carhart also says that "[Meade] was no better than those who had preceded him." In fact, he was measurably better. He did not adhere to a foolish plan of action like Burnside; he was not timid, refusing to throw in what he had as McClellan; he did not flail around blindly as Pope had; he did not go into a shell like Hooker. He performed competently, and by doing that, he exceeded the performance of his predecessors. Further, Lee had a bad habit of bleeding his forces to death, as critics have pointed out. Gettysburg was another battle where he sent his troops off on frontal assaults and saw his rank-and-file and officer cadres both bled down further.
So, the author's thesis is pretty well constructed and supported. But the thesis is not an insight that had escaped others. And there are annoying questions about some of his contentions. So, this is an interesting take on Gettysburg, but I'm not convinced that there is a revolutionary interpretation here.
58 of 70 people found the following review helpful.
Whoa there, Carhart
By William L.
Theory of book is on Day 3 of Gettysburg Confederate General Lee sent "Jeb" Stuart and Cavalry Division on left wing attack to strike Union rear as Pickett's Charge went forward, and Pickett's cue was four cannon salvo fired by Stuart's horse artillery on Cress Ridge, north of Wolf Hill on Union right. Stuart was stopped by G.A. Custer in cavalry "battle royal."
Pretty wild and speculative and a bit lite on the known facts about Gettysburg. Way too much jibberish about Jomini, Napoleonic battles, et al and the supposed coordination with Longstreet's attack made famous as Pickett's Charge. According to Coddington and others, the preparations actually approved by Lee and made the night before called for a combined attack on the Union right and left at dawn. The attack on the right, a continuation of the evening attack on Culp's Hill Day 2 that took a portion of the Union works, went off as planned at dawn and was continued into the morning of Day 3. But the attack on the left by Longstreet using Pickett's fresh Brigades didn't go off, prompting Lee to visit Longstreet and order him to attack. Preparations did begin for a dawn attack, attested by Porter Alexander who was up at 3 am positioning his batteries but Longstreet didn't cooperate with Lee. Thus the alleged afternoon signal from Stuart as part of a grand plan is pure fantasy-- Ewell's attack had already been repulsed with great loss by the time Pickett's assault went forward. The repulse was due to reinforcement of the Union right in the night, unbeknownst to Lee or Ewell. The Culp's Hill line extended down into the area of Spangler's Spring (a marshy area) between Culp's and Wolf Hill on the Union right. Thus the right wing where Stuart was to operate was hardly a weak area of the Union line on Day 3.
I tracked down the source of the rumor the cannon shots fired by Stuart on Cress Ridge were a signal to Gen. Lee to begin Pickett's Charge. It began with Major McClellan, Stuart's adjutant and biographer who guessed that was the explanation for Stuart firing one gun in four directions. A guess is hardly a fact. And it can't be right. S. Foote puts Stuart on Cress Ridge at 2:30 pm or well after the cannonade supporting Pickett's Charge began. It is absurd to suggest the alleged signal could be heard over the din of that cannonade by Lee on Seminary Ridge, or more cogently, by Longstreet miles away at his HQ near the Peach Orchard. The latter is cogent because it was Longstreet, not Lee, who gave the order to start the cannonade as well as the assault (although Porter Alexander has it that Longstreet never actually gave Pickett a direct order to start). It is hardly plausible Maj. McClellan way off on the left was privy to the doings at Longstreet's HQ and obviously didn't know Longstreet had responsibility for the order. Thus a basic premise of the book, the idea Pickett's assault (the Pettigrew, Trimble, Pickett Charge) was fired off by a lanyard in Stuart's hand, so to speak, signalling to Lee Stuart's cavalry was in position for an attack on the Union right and rear, is incorrect in light of known facts. Longstreet not Lee was responsible for Pickett's start time.
I could go on since Longstreet tried to foist responsibility for the assault onto Alexander, so that just who would actually launch Pickett was highly undertain until Pickett himself decided to go, but enough said. There was no signal to Lee and no plan for Stuart to attack in concert with Pickett.
The recounting of the cavalry clash that did take place also suffers from an attempt to demonize Gregg with, again, speculative inferences from sparse records. I can agree Custer and Gregg's troops did defeat Stuart that day, in blocking his actions, and preventing at the least a flanking cavalry thrust, in a tactical draw. But given the well documented poor condition of Stuart's toops and horses, and the uncertainty of how many combat ready men he actually had on hand, it is difficult to accept he had the ability to swing all the way around Wolf Hill into the Union rear. The presence of Union cavalry in force was well known to Lee and the likelihood of a clash would tend to militate against making such a charge essential to the operations on Day 3. Indeed, as it was, Stuart was spotted and Pleasanton sent Gregg's Division to replace Custer's Brigade and cover him, albeit Custer stayed to fight.
For my money, Lee did what he did at Gettysburg in a series of ad hoc decisions because for three days he operated under the delusion that all of the Union Army was not up, and was attempting to strike and destroy such parts of it as he thought were present. I doubt he knew the Sixth Corps was present for example until after the battle. His 'command and control' problems exemplified by the dispute with Longstreet made ill informed decisions even worse. The Confederate belief their butternuts could break through a Yankee line any day, any time of day, also informed his decisions and the net result was a cost of many gallant lives in pointless assaults on Day 3.
Just as fantastic as the signal idea is the idea Lee planned a strike at well fortified and heavily gunned Washington DC after defeating the Army of the Potomac. Assume Lee won Gettysburg-- he would have had a victory but only 45000 effective troops left at best count or less than the garrison at Washington and no siege train plus a long support train with thousands of wounded burdening his movement. As it was he left over 4500 men too badly wounded to move on the field by some estimates.
If there is an example of Jominian tactics in the campaign I'd say the movement started by Hooker and completed by Meade in moving the Army of the Potomac north in corps columns spread over many roads in search of the enemy is a true example of the Napoleonic fan, and the abandonment of existing plans for deployment and rapid concentration of forces taking advantage of terrain by Meade after initial contact, is another. Certainly fighting with the interior lines permitting Meade's rapid movement of troops behind his line to plug gaps or move up reserves of artillery and infantry to meet Lee's attacks is classic Jominian fighting albeit defensive.
Last, the Michigan Brigade had the highest casualty count of any Union Cavalry Brigade in the Civil War- over 525. Several Union and Confederate infantry REGIMENTS had that many casualties at Gettysburg. To posit the outcome of what was then one of the largest land battles ever fought in the history of warfare turned on one cavalry engagement with (for that battle) minor casualties is not credible.
Not Least: I noted the reference to the author's Vietnam combat service in one review, and I do sincerely salute his service to his country. But I suspect the apparent popularity of this book derives from yet another excuse for Robert E. Lee's mistakes. 2 stars because you can't apply a theory unless there are facts that fit it.
27 of 37 people found the following review helpful.
Carhart's "real plan" of Lee was previously published
By Cibola
The gist of Dr. Carhart's book is that Lee's "real plan" at Gettysburg on July 3, 1863 involved more than Pickett's Charge, and the "real plan" was thwarted by Custer's opposition to Stuart in a cavalry action east of Gettysburg.
There is a suggestion that this is a new theory. Any idea that the cavalry action itself has been ignored by historians is wrong. Wert's "Gettysburg Day 3" covers the cavalry action in detail in Chapter 14, and Wert was not the first to discuss the matter. Moreover, any idea that the potential significance of the cavalry action was unexplored is also wrong. Steven Leonard wrote in Military Review of a 2002 book by Paul D. Walker:
In The Cavalry Battle that Saved the Union:
Custer vs. Stuart at Gettysburg, Paul D. Walker
reveals the apparent genius behind the plan:
Confederate General Robert E. Lee's grand scheme was
to attack with infantry from the front while
Confederate General J.E.B. Stuart's cavalry swept into
the rear of the Union formations.
One can also note the article by Eric J. Wittenberg, East Cavalry Field: Battle of Gettysburg, July 3, 2003.
D. Scott Hartwig was correct in stating: "Carhart is not the first to advance this notion of Lee's plan for July 3. It has been around for many years, but lacks evidence to support it."
Carhart's book probably overemphasizes Custer's role at the expense of other Union officers who were involved in the cavalry action. David Gregg was on site and giving orders to Custer. However, it is true that it was Custer's men (armed with Spencer rifles) who heard the discharge of cannon by Stuart before noon on July 3 and deployed north of the Hanover Road. If Stuart's movement were meant as a surprise, why was the Louisiana Guard firing shells before noon? Further, Oliver Howard and David Gregg were aware of the Confederate cavalry by noon.
Although Carhart's book suggests that the true significance of Stuart's foray was covered up in later reports, there seems to have been enough to motivate writers prior to Carhart. Placing the "real plan" in the perspective of pre-Civil War course work at West Point is a nice touch, but does not make up for the lack of evidence for Carhart's conjecture.
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